By Monday, Libyan rebels held most of the capital city of Tripoli, jubilantly flashing V-for-victory signs and waving their nations pre-1969 flag in Moammar Gadhafis Green Square, which they have renamed Martyrs Square.
Gadhafi, not ready to acknowledge the end of his 42-year regime, was notably absent. World leaders have called for him to resign. NATO has committed to continuing its bombing campaign against his forces. Three of his sons have been captured. The rebel forces and the international community are focusing on a post-Gadhafi Libya.
NATO assistance has gone a long way toward defeating Gadhafi, who ruled with a combination of force, fear and long tentacles, but the internal uprising has been the factor that freed Libya. That has been true elsewhere in the region; had it been equally true in Iraq and Afghanistan, both Americans and NATO troops would have experienced very different wars than those they have fought.
From afar, the wave of freedom in that region seems inspiring, and indeed it is, but up close its considerably messier. Removing Gadhafi however that may be accomplished will not be the end of it, any more than capturing and executing Saddam Hussein ended conflict in Iraq, or convincing Syrias Bashar Assad to resign. Some Libyans, and some agitators throughout the Arab world, have benefited from their association with Gadhafi. Knowing that the pendulum of power is likely to swing far in the opposite direction, they will look out for their own interests and undermine any effort that interferes with those interests. They cant win; they can, however, cause havoc and further bloodshed.
As dictators go, Gadhafi surely has been one of the worst, so bad that any government that might replace his regime is likely to be viewed very favorably by both Libyans and diplomats. That doesnt mean that such a replacement will be functional, or that the transition will be painless, and it definitely doesnt mean that Libya will end up with a U.S.-style democracy, especially since, right now, the U.S. example is impressing very few people anywhere.
The New York Times reported this weekend, Young men drove into the (Martyrs) square and executed wild, celebratory doughnuts, spinning their cars in tight circles, their screeching tires echoing off shattered buildings.
A man watching shook his head in stunned disbelief.
I swear to God, he said, freedom is beautiful.
It is, but it involves a lot more than spinning doughnuts in newly occupied territory. Building a new government, especially one that does not just swap one dictator for another, is tremendously hard work for people with no experience with self-governance. Even in the United States, reaching any kind of consensus on rights and responsibilities often seems nearly impossible.
Until now, the rebels and their international supporters have united in their goal of wresting power from Gadhafi. Soon, Libyans must develop a popularly held vision of what Libya should become and an increasingly detailed plan for how to get there. When the war planes go home and the excitement has waned, differences of opinion will begin to heat up. Young adults who have spent their entire lives under a repressive government are impassioned and idealistic, but a broader perspective and sound judgment must also be applied to the challenge. The symbolic fall of a violent regime must mark a turning point between tearing down and building up.
